Another model is called the funnel model of causality which has been proposed by these authors working on the psycho-sociological model. The heterogeneity of the electorate and voters must be taken into account. These are voters who proceed by systematic voting. The theoretical criticism consists in saying that in this psychosocial approach or in this vision that the psychosocial model has of the role of political issues, the evaluation of these issues is determined by political attitudes and partisan identification. %PDF-1.3 % In the retrospective model, some researchers have proposed an alternative way of viewing partisan identification as being determined by the position voters take on issues. In this perspective, voting is essentially a question of attachment, identity and loyalty to a party, whereas in the rationalist approach it is mainly a question of interest, cognition and rational reading of one's own needs and the adequacy of different political offers to one's needs. A set of theories has given some answers. Within the ambit of such a more realistic, limited-rational model of human behavior, mitigation outcomes from . Sometimes, indeed often, people combine the first two models incorporating the psycho-sociological model on the basis that the Michigan model is just an extension of the Columbia model that helps explain some things that the Columbia model cannot explain. The system in the United States is bipartisan and the question asked was "Do you consider yourself a Republican, Democrat or otherwise? - What we're going to do in this video is start to think about voting behavior, and in particular, we're going to start classifying motivations for why someone votes for a particular candidate, and I'm going to introduce some terms that will impress your political science friends, but you'll see that they map two things that . The utility function of the simple proximity model appears, i.e. These are some of the criticisms and limitations often made by proponents of other approaches. Simply, the voter is going to evaluate his own interest, his utility income from the different parties and will vote for the party that is closest to his interests. This model shows that there is more than political identities, partisan identification and social inking. 0000010337 00000 n Harrop, Martin, and William L. Miller. We see the kinship of this model with the sociological model explaining that often they are put together. The degree of political sophistication, political knowledge, interest in politics varies from voter to voter. The psycho-sociological model, also known as the Michigan model, can be represented graphically or schematically. Is partisan identification one-dimensional? 1948, Berelson et . If that is true, then if there are two parties that are equally close to our preferences, then we cannot decide. [1] In the sociological and psycho-sociological model, there was no place for ideology, that's another thing that counts, on the other hand, in economic theories, spatial theories and Downs' theory of the economic vote, ideology is important. La dernire modification de cette page a t faite le 11 novembre 2020 00:26. In other words, in this retrospective assessment, the economic situation of the country plays a crucial role. 0000001124 00000 n [8][9], The second very important model is the psycho-sociological model, also known as the partisan identification model or Michigan School model, developed by Campbell, Converse, Miller and Stokes in Campbell, Converse, Miller and Stokes, among others in The American Voter published in 1960. The answer to this second question will allow us to differentiate between proximity models and directional models because these two subsets of the spatial theories of voting give diametrically opposite answers to this question. Beginning in the late 1980s and early 1990s, there has been a strong development of directional models. What determines direction? In the Downs-Hirschman model, the vote is spatial in the sense of proximity and preferences are exogenous; on the other hand, in the directional theories of Rabinovirz and Macdonal in particular, we remain in the idea of the exogeneity of preferences but the vote is not spatial in the sense of proximity. This is the idea that gave rise to the development of directional models, which is that, according to Downs and those who have followed him, because there is transparency of information, voters can very well see what the political platforms of the parties or candidates are. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan Education, 1987. Video transcript. to 1/n,and thus the expected utility of voting is proportional to N/n, which is approximately independent of the size of the electorate.3 In the basic rational-choice model of voting and political participation (see Blais 2000 for an overview and many references), the relative util-ity of voting, for a particular eligible voter, is: U = pB . In other words, they propose something quite ecumenical that combines directional and proximity models. Four questions can be asked in relation to this measure: For the first question, there are several studies on the fact that partisan identification is multi-dimensional and not just one-dimensional. Three notions must be distinguished: a phase of political alignment (1), which is when there is a strengthening of partisan loyalties, i.e. Some have another way of talking about convergences and showing how the theories explaining the vote can be reconciled with the process of political misalignment. preferences and positions. The psycho-sociological model initiated the national election studies and created a research paradigm that remains one of the two dominant research paradigms today and ultimately contributed to the creation of electoral psychology. The basic idea is somewhat the same, namely that it is a way that voters have at their disposal, a euristic and cognitive shortcut that voters have at their disposal to deal with the problem of complex information. There are three possible answers: May's Law of Curvilinear Disparity is an answer that tries to stay within the logic of the proximity model and to account for this empirical anomaly, but with the idea that it is distance and proximity that count. Partisan attachment is at the centre of the graph influencing opinions on certain issues being discussed or the attitudes of certain candidates. Suicide is a global public health problem. it is an element of direction and not an element of distance or proximity that counts. On the other hand, preferences for candidates in power are best explained by the proximity model and the simple directional model. If we look at it a little more broadly, partisan identification can be seen as a kind of shortcut. Psychological Models of American Voting Behavior* DAVID KNOKE, Indiana University ABSTRACT A path model of the presidential vote involving social variables, party identification, issue orientations, . We have to be careful, because when we talk about political psychology, we include that, but we also include the role of cognitions and rationality. McClung Lee, A. There has been the whole emergence of the rational actor, which is the vote in relation to issues, which is not something that comes simply from our affective identification with a party, but there is a whole reflection that the voter makes in terms of cost-benefit calculations. In this approach, it is possible to say that the voter accepts the arguments of a certain party because he or she feels close to a party and not the opposite which would be what the economic model of the vote postulates, that is to say that we listen to what the party has to say and we will choose that party because we are convinced by what that party says. In summary, it can be said that in the economic model of voting, the political preferences of voters on different issues, are clearly perceived by the voters themselves which is the idea that the voter must assess his own interest, he must clearly perceive what are the political preferences of voters. The idea is that each voter can be represented by a point in a hypothetical space and this space can be a space with N dimensions and each dimension represents an election campaign issue, so that this point reflects his or her ideal set of policies, i.e. First, they summarize the literature that has been interested in explaining why voters vary or differ in the stability or strength of their partisan identification. A second possible answer is that they will vote for the candidate who belongs to the party with which they identify. The theoretical account of voting behavior drew heavily upon the metaphor of a 'funnel of causality'. The image that an individual has of himself in this perspective is also the result of this identification. It is no longer a question of explaining "why" people participate but "how", that is, in terms of voter turnout, what choice is made and what can explain an electoral choice. This is especially important when applying this type of reasoning empirically. Contenu disponible en Franais Contenido disponible en espaol Contenuto disponibile in italiano, The distinction between the three main explanatory models of voting is often found. The Logics of Electoral Politics. 0000008661 00000 n Ecological regression represents one extreme: the presumption that voting behavior changes systematically across groups but only changes randomly, if at all, within groups. The psycho-sociological model is intended as a development that wants to respond to this criticism. There are two slightly different connotations. It is quite interesting to see the bridges that can be built between theories that may seem different. These explanations are known as the Columbia Model and the Michigan Model, and describing these two . This has created a research paradigm which is perhaps the dominant paradigm today. In this model, there is a region of acceptability of positional extremism which is a region outside of which the intensity of the positions or the direction shown by a party cannot go because if it goes beyond that region, the voter will no longer choose that party. There are a whole host of typologies in relation to issues, and we distinguish different types of issues such as position issues and issues that are more or less emotional. For the sociological model we have talked about the index of political predisposition with the variables of socioeconomic, religious and spatial status. These are possible answers more to justify and account for this anomaly. The premise of prospective voting is too demanding for most voters. The government is blamed for the poor state of the economy. does partisan identification work outside the United States? As the authors of The American Voter put By finding something else, he shaped a dominant theory explaining the vote. Lazarsfeld was the first to study voting behaviour empirically with survey data, based on individual data, thus differentiating himself from early studies at the aggregate level of electoral geography. It is a theory that makes it possible to explain both the voting behaviour of voters and the organisational behaviour of political parties. In the literature, we often talk about the economic theory of voting. Misalignment creates greater electoral volatility that creates a change in the party system that can have a feedback on the process of alignment, misalignment or realignment. [10], The third model is called the economic model of the vote or the Rochester School of Economics, developed by Downs in the book An Economic Theory of Democracy published in 1957.[11]. In other words, there is the idea of utility maximization which is a key concept in rational choice theory, so the voter wants to maximize his utility and his utility is calculated according to the ratio between the cost and the benefit that can be obtained from the action, in this case going to vote (1) and going to vote for that party rather than this one (2). a new model of legislative behavior that captures when and how lawmakers vote differently than expected. So, we are going to the extremes precisely because we are trying to mobilize an electorate. In essence, those studies provided the core concepts and models used in contemporary voting research. It is a rather descriptive model, at least in its early stages. There is a whole literature on opinion formation, quite consensually, that says that citizens have a limited capacity to process information. Voters try to maximize the usefulness of the vote, that is, they try to vote for the party that makes them more satisfied. The reference work is The People's Choice published in 1948 by Lazarsfeld, Berelson and Gaudet. One important element of this model must be highlighted in relation to the others. One must take into account the heterogeneity of the electorate and how different voters may have different motivations for choosing which party or candidate to vote for. Comparative Political Studies, 27(2), 155189. The economic model of the vote puts the notion of electoral choice back at the centre. The fit of a measurement model that differentiates between the various degrees of suicidal severity was verified. For Lazarsfeld, "a person thinks politically as he or she is socially". Prospective voting says that voters will listen to what candidates and parties have to say. A unified theory of voting: directional and proximity spatial models. It is a small bridge between different explanations. 0000002253 00000 n That discounting depends on where the policy is right now in relation to what the party is promising, and that is the directional element. Voters assess the utility income of parties and candidates. The idea was that there were two possible responses that are put in place by members of that organization: one of "exit", to withdraw, to go to another organization. It is by this configuration that May tries to explain this anomaly which is due to the fact that there is a group of voters who become activists within the party and who succeed in shifting the party's positioning towards the extremes. What explains historical variation in voter turnout? But there are studies that also show that the causal relationship goes in the other direction. Here, preferences are endogenous and they can change. The importance of symbolic politics is especially capitalized on by the intensity directional models. In this model, importance is given to primary socialization. This study presents an automated and accurate . <]>> It is a moment when social cleavages directly influence the vote in this approach and therefore the sociological model, perhaps, at that moment, better explains the vote. For Lazarsfeld, we think politically how we are socially, there is not really the idea of electoral choice. Cross-pressure theory entered political science via the analysis of voting behavior at Columbia University (Lazarsfeld et al. . The first question is how to assess the position of the different parties and candidates, since we start from the idea of projecting voters' political preferences and party projections onto a map. The idea is that a party is ready to lose an election in order to give itself the means to win it later by giving itself time to form an electorate. This economic theory of the vote, this rationalist theory, has a great advantage over the other models, which is that it does not only focus on voters, that is to say, it does not only focus on political demand, but it also looks at supply and especially at the interaction between supply and demand. One of the merits, which can be found in Lazarsfeld's book entitled The People's Choice published in 1944 is that this model marks a turning point in the study of political behaviour. The political consciousness of individuals is based on social experiences and has little weight outside these experiences. There has also been the criticism of abstention as the result of rational calculation. The goal of this study was to evaluate the psychometric properties of the measurement of suicide severity based on the Columbia suicide severity rating scale. We leave behind the idea of spatial theories that preferences are exogenous, that they are pre-existing and almost fixed. The original measurement was very simple being based on two questions which are a scale with a question about leadership. Hirschman contrasts the "exit" strategy with the "voice" strategy, which is based on what he calls "loyalty", which is that one can choose not to leave but to make the organization change, to restore the balance between one's own aspirations and what the organization can offer. This theory is not about the formation of political preferences, they start from the idea that there are voters with certain political preferences and then these voters will look at what the offer is and will choose according to that offer. It is a model that is very close to data and practice and lends itself very easily to empirical testing through measures of partisan identification and different measures of socio-demographic factors among others. Furthermore, "social characteristics determine political preferences". Directional model with intensity: Rabinowitz, Four possible answers to the question of how voters decide to vote, Unified Voting Model: Merrill and Grofman, Responses to criticisms of the proximity model, Partisan Competition Theory: Przeworski and Sprague, Relationship between voting explanatory models and realignment cycle. _____ were the first widespread barriers to the franchise to be eliminated. Downs, Anthony. Ideology is to be understood as a way of simplifying our world in relation to the problem of information. Moreover, retrospective voting can also be seen as a shortcut. The psycho-sociological model says that it is because this inking allows identification with a party which in turn influences political attitudes and therefore predispositions with regard to a given object, with regard to the candidate or the party, and this is what ultimately influences the vote. HUr0c:*+ $ifrh b98ih+I?v1q7q>. startxref These authors find with panel data that among their confirmed hypotheses that extroverted people tend to have a strong and stable partisan identification. This diagram shows the process of misalignment with changes in the generational structure and changes in the social structure that create political misalignment. The basic assumptions of the economic model of the vote are threefold: selfishness, which is the fact that voters act according to their individual interests and not according to their sense of belonging to a group or their attachment to a party. It is also often referred to as a point of indifference because there are places where the voter cannot decide. Candidate choices are made towards parties or candidates who are going in the same direction as the voter, this being understood as the voters' political preferences on a given issue. Hinich and Munger say the opposite, saying that on the basis of their idea of the left-right positioning of the parties, they somehow deduce what will be or what is the position of these parties on the different issues. [15] Then we'll look at the space theories of the vote. This theory presupposed that the voter recognizes his or her own interest, assesses alternative candidates, and on the basis of this assessment, will choose for the candidate or party that will be most favourably assessed in the sense of best serving his or her own political interests and interests. Inking and the role of socialization cause individuals to form a certain partisan identification that produces certain types of political attitudes. Here we see the key factors, namely electoral choice and, at the centre, the identification variable for a party, which depends on two types of factors, namely primary socialization and group membership. 0000009473 00000 n An important factor is the role of political campaigns in influencing the vote. Finally, in a phase of misalignment, this would be the economic model, since there is a loss of these partisan loyalties, so these voters become more and more reactive to political events and therefore may be more rational in their decision-making process. The choice can be made according to different criteria, but they start from the assumption that there are these voters who arrive in an electoral process that refers to the idea of the hexogeneity of voters' preferences. Discounting is saying that the voter does not fully believe what the parties say. So there is this empirical anomaly where there is a theory that presupposes and tries to explain the electoral choices but also the positions of the parties in a logic of proximity to the centre of the political spectrum, but on the other hand there is the empirical observation that is the opposite and that sees parties and voters located elsewhere. Political parties can make choices that are not choices to maximize the electorate, unlike spatial theories, where parties seek to maximize their short-term electoral support in an election. The theory of the economic model of the vote is also a model that allows predictions to be made about party behaviour. One possible strategy to reduce costs is to base oneself on ideology. A distinction is made between the sociological model of voting from the Columbia School, which refers to the university where this model was developed. Today, there is an attempt to combine the different explanations trying to take into account, both sociological determinants but also the emotional and affective component as well as the component related to choice and calculation. There are two important issues in relation to the spatial theory of voting. The further a party moves in the other direction, the less likely the voter will choose it because the utility function gradually decreases. Hinich and Munger take up the Downs idea but turn it around a bit. This is the basic motivation for the development of these directional models. Some have criticized this model saying that it puts forward the one-dimensional image of the human being and politics, that is, that it is purely rational, hypercognitive in a way without taking into account sociological but also psychological elements. The economic model has put the rational and free citizen back at the centre of attention and reflection, whereas if we push the sociological model a bit to the extreme, it puts in second place this freedom and this free will that voters can make since the psycho-sociological model tells us that voting is determined by social position, it is not really an electoral choice that we make in the end but it is simply the result of our social insertion or our attachment to a party. the maximum utility is reached at the line level. At the basis of the reflection of directional models, and in particular of directional models with intensity, there is what is called symbolic politics. On the other hand, the intensity directional model better explains the electoral choices of candidates who are not currently in power. In their view, ideology is a means of predicting political positions on a significant number of issues and also a basis for credible and consistent engagement by the party or candidate that follows it. The presupposition is that voter preferences are not exogenous but are endogenous - they change within the framework of an electoral process. The distance must be assessed on the basis of what the current policy is. This is called the proximity model. Partisan identification becomes stronger over time. Although the models rely on the same data they make radically different predictions about the political future. The 'funnel of causality' provided a convenient framework within which to pursue both a comprehensive program of electoral accounting and a more selective strategy of explanation. These authors proposed to say that there would be a relationship between the explanatory models of the vote and the cycle of alignment, realignment, misalignment in the sense that the sociological model would be better able to explain the vote in phases of political realignment. Political conditions as well as the influence of the media play an important role, all the more so nowadays as more and more political campaigns and the role of the media overlap. The second criterion is subjectivity, which is that voters calculate the costs and benefits of voting subjectively, so they make an assessment of the costs and benefits. (June 2012) Networks in electoral behavior, as a part of political science, refers to the relevance of networks in forming citizens' voting behavior at parliamentary, presidential or local elections. The organization is in crisis and no longer reflects our own needs. Thus, the interpretation of differences in voting behaviour from one group to another is to be sought in the position of the group in society and in the way its relations with parties have developed. We project voters' preferences and political positions, that is, the positions that parties have on certain issues and for the preferences that voters have on certain issues. systematic voting, i.e. We are not ignoring the psychological model, which focuses on the identification people have with parties without looking at the parties. emotional ties between voters and parties; a phase of political misalignment (2), which may be the one we are currently in in Europe since the economic crisis, which is a weakening of partisan loyalties resulting in increased electoral volatility, i.e. The political position of each candidate is represented in the same space, it is the interaction between supply and demand and the voter will choose the party or candidate that is closest to the voter.

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